Nathaniel Ledbetter is the Speaker of the Alabama House of Representatives.
America’s mainland has generally been spared the destruction of war that has ravaged so many countries in the last century. Until September 11, offensive attacks on the United States mainland were limited to sabotage efforts executed on behalf of a foreign adversary, but the responsibility for some of these attacks remains speculative at best.
One very strange incident, though, happened 80 years ago in Bly, Oregon when a Sunday school teacher and her students were killed in the woods by an undetonated bomb. It turns out that the Japanese developed a weapon using hydrogen-filled balloons that would release incendiary bombs over the continental United States.
In fact, the Japanese built almost 10,000 of these weapons and floated them into the jet stream, timing them to release their bombs to cause destruction, while, more importantly, prompting fear and anxiety among Americans. While not nearly as precise as Nazi buzz bombs, these devises were similar in that they were pilotless, and the destruction was intended to be random and largely difficult to defend against.
Except for the one incident in Oregon, the Japanese weapon proved largely ineffective, but the same cannot be said of the massive destruction of the Nazi V-1 and V-2 rockets.
The balloon had a device that at various altitudes would drop bags of ballast and raise it higher into the jet stream to carry the bomb over the continental United States. Once the final sandbag was dropped, presumably somewhere over a populous area, a timer would trigger the release of a series of small incendiary devices and then a larger bomb. The objective being to set fires and blow up anything under the periphery of the balloon.
By all accounts, the device was not a successful weapon as most of the balloons were lost over the Pacific Ocean. Those that made it failed to inflict any damage and were found in various parts of the Pacific Northwest, typically in forests and other rural settings. Rather than dropping firebombs at a high altitude, the balloons disintegrated, and the entire device with the bombs intact fell to the ground without detonating.
But in one instance the device worked.
On a beautiful Saturday at Leonard Creek in Gearhart Mountain of the Fremont National Forest, the Rev. Archie Mitchell and his pregnant wife, Elise, took five members of their junior high Sunday school class for a picnic and fishing adventure.
Rev. Mitchell dropped everyone off at the campsite and went to park his car.
His wife called out that the children had discovered something, and having heard rumors about possible unexploded bombs, he loudly warned them not to touch anything.
The next thing he heard was the explosion that killed all five of the teenagers along with his wife and unborn child.
Prior to this tragedy, the government had asked that information about the balloon bombs be censored to prevent the Japanese from having any idea of the effectiveness of the weapon. After the explosion, censorship was lifted so that other tragedies might be avoided.
While other bombs were discovered, they were carefully diffused. Even so, the U.S. Army trained and prepared firefighting units to be on standby should any bomb cause a forest fire. For the thousands of balloon bombs launched, only around 400 were discovered, and most of those accidentally.
The funerals for the victims were widely attended, and the loss of the teenagers’ lives depressed the entire community of Bly in general and the Christian and Missionary Alliance Church in particular.
At only 27, the Rev. Mitchell, while devastated by the loss of his wife and unborn child, continued in his ministry. In fact, he had never intended to pastor a congregation but had trained for mission work overseas and was assigned to Bly as an interim step, anticipating the war’s end, for mission opportunities to resume.
His grief from the tragedy was shared with the Patzke family, which had lost two children in the explosion. They would find out soon afterwards that their son, the crew member of a bomber, died in a Nazi POW camp. Their eldest daughter, 23-year-old Betty, lived with them, had attended the same Bible College as Rev. Mitchell, and, as a member of his congregation, knew him and shared personally the deep impact of the tragedy.
They married two years later and left Oregon to become missionaries to a leper colony in Vietnam. While Betty and Archie would have four children, the tragedy of Betty’s life would continue.
In 1962, Archie was abducted by Viet Cong guerillas, and he would never see Betty or his children again. Betty would receive an occasional letter, but after 1969, all communication from him ceased, and she continued her missionary work in Southeast Asia until her retirement in 1987.
The site of the bomb explosion would be marked appropriately to commemorate the only fatalities on the continental United States from an offensive enemy attack. A portion of the land was given by Weyerhaeuser and dedicated to the U.S. Park Service, appropriately named the Mitchell Recreational Area. There is a ponderosa pine there called the shrapnel tree as it contains fragments from the bomb.
In a show of remorse and reconciliation, through the years, emissaries from Japan have visited the monument to pay their respects, and the meteorologist who helped design the device participated in a public wreath laying ceremony.
Women, who as schoolgirls worked in the factory producing the bombs, would present 1,000 origami cranes to the victims’ families, and on the 50th anniversary of the event, school children in Japan donated six cherry trees to be planted at the site.
The knowledge of this tragic incident would be eclipsed by the end of World War II, but as the first time a global conflict caused death to U.S. citizens on mainland American soil, this incident serves as a reminder that even 80 years later, our nation remains vulnerable to indiscriminate attack by hostile powers.
Will Sellers is a graduate of Hillsdale College and was appointed by Gov. Kay Ivey as an Associate Justice on the Supreme Court of Alabama. He is best reached at jws@willsellers.com.
Imagine getting to celebrate your 100th birthday, surrounded by loads of grandkids. A cake sits nearby, littered with candles. A shout-out from the Today Show plays on the TV.
It sounds pretty good, right? But here’s the million-dollar question: Do you really want to live to be age 100?
It’s a fair question. In a recent survey, 56% of respondents said they would refuse treatment that would slow the aging process and allow an average person to live to at least 120 years old.
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For all the efforts to prevent aging, there are a few things more undefeated than the passage of time. The simple truth is that living to age 100+ presents all sorts of complications. Consider that living to 100 means that your children are likely in their 70s. That brings in the likelihood that you may outlive your spouse, siblings, and children. Not to mention the chances of having any remaining friends on earth are actuarially slim.
If you’re 100 years old, you probably can’t hear or see very well. I already can’t remember where I put my car keys. And no financial planner assumes you’re going to live that long, so you would definitely run out of money.
A shocking 63% of young people think that frequently forgetting familiar names is a sign of old age. That pretty much makes you old.
Most people just want to live to be 90, that is, unless you’re 89. That’s about 12 ½ years longer than the current average US life expectancy, which is 77.5 years. But only 9% of Americans said they want to live more than 100 years.
Not to worry, though. According to a recent study, female babies born today only have a 5.1% chance of reaching age 100. Males only have a 1.8% probability.
To put all this in perspective, consider that back in 1900, the average life expectancy in the US was 47 years. During that century, Americans experienced a radical life extension. That is, a dramatic improvement in the average life expectancy. Prior to the 20th century, the average life expectancy only increased one year for every century. Beginning in 1900, our average life expectancy increased roughly three years for every decade.
So, what happens if we experience another radical life extension? Well, by 2100, our average life expectancy would rise to 110 years. Surely we are already nearing the maximum quality of life at 77.5 (average), right? I mean, how many more years can our bodies handle?
So, what do today’s centenarians have to say about living to be age 100?
Today’s centenarians frequently think about their past, including memories of childhood, family, and significant life events. Their thoughts often revolve around the people they’ve known, especially those who are no longer alive, giving them a sense of being the last link to certain memories or eras.
Many centenarians emphasize the importance of having a purpose or something to live for. This can be through family, community involvement, or personal interests like gardening or craftwork.
The significance of social ties, including family and friendships, is highlighted by many centenarians. They cherish their relationships, often expressing gratitude for the love and support they receive, and they stress the importance of maintaining social connections throughout life.
They reflect on life lessons. Lessons that often include advice on living in the moment, not holding onto anger, and appreciating what one has. Common regrets mentioned involve not spending enough time with loved ones or not pursuing education or personal passions earlier in life.
While physical health might decline, many centenarians focus on mental well-being, often citing happiness, optimism, and a stress-free life as key to their longevity. They tend to have a positive outlook, even when facing health issues.
You might not want to live to be 100 today, but your opinion might change as you grow older. Spending time reliving childhood memories, doing work in the community, cherishing relationships, reflecting on life’s lessons, and having a positive outlook all sound enticing, don’t they?
Tom Greene is a writer living in Atlanta, Georgia, with his wife and loyal wiener dog, Maggie. His writing can be found at www.tomgreene.com. He can be reached at t@tomgreene.com
As National Police Week comes to a close, we should celebrate the fact that the Legislature has taken historic steps this session to show our appreciation to these extraordinary men and women, support local recruitment and retention efforts, and bolster public safety as a whole in our great state with the Safe Alabama Package.
One initiative I’m proud to have helped assemble is the Law Enforcement Dependent Scholarship Act, sponsored by Rep. Allen Treadaway (R–Morris), former Assistant Chief of the Birmingham Police Department.
What is often forgotten is that behind every badge is a family who depends on the man or woman who wears it. Our LEOs are husbands, wives, fathers, and mothers who go to work every day to protect their communities and provide for their families.
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This legislation aims to help these dedicated public servants put their children and spouses through college or tech school by providing a last-dollar scholarship. What this means is that after a dependent exhausts his or her federal grant and scholarship support, this program would cover the remaining costs up to $3,000.
The House passed the bill in February, but unfortunately, the Senate did not take it up. Still, it remains a top priority and will return next session with strong support from those who stand with law enforcement families.
Another piece of legislation that I feel was long overdue deals with putting an end to anti-police legal actions once and for all.
I have met with numerous law enforcement experts over the last 14 months, and one concern they all share is that our LEOs are becoming more and more hesitant to act within the scope of their authority due to fear of being hit with a frivolous civil lawsuit or criminal investigation.
Simply put, many do not feel like they are backed and supported enough to enforce the full letter of the law.
The Back the Blue Protection Act puts an end to this in Alabama and shows them that we have their backs by offering stronger legal protections for officers acting within the bounds of clearly established law.
The bottom line is that LEOs should not have to worry about winding up in the courtroom for doing their job and protecting the community.
Rep. Rex Reynolds (R-Huntsville) sponsored this legislation and fought every step of the way to ensure it made it across the finish line.
Public safety is the most critical component of a successful community, and sadly, we have areas in our state that are struggling with violent crime.
Over the last year, a task force comprised of city, county, state, and federal law enforcement has worked cohesively to elevate the presence of law enforcement in the River Region and proactively police.
The Montgomery Area Crime Suppression Unit has conducted 2,700 traffic stops, served 875 arrest warrants (ranging from Failure to Appear to Capital Murder), and made 352 other arrests, including 29 juveniles. They executed 20 search warrants, seized 64 drug stashes, 239 firearms, 164 machine gun conversion devices, and about $86,500 in cash. The unit also recovered 61 stolen vehicles, engaged in 86 pursuits, and seized 2 vehicles.
The unit has made an enormous impact, so much so that the Legislature has provided funding to the Alabama Law Enforcement Agency (ALEA) to make this a full-time, statewide unit known as the Alabama Metro Area Crime Suppression Unit.
This unit will have 23 dedicated troopers who are authorized to go into communities and work with local agencies to identify where violent crimes are occurring and aggressively pursue suspects.
Each one of these bills is the result of partnerships and would not have been possible without leaders like Governor Kay Ivey, Alabama Law Enforcement Agency Secretary Hal Taylor, Montgomery Sheriff Derrick Cunningham, Alabama Sheriffs Association President Hoss Mack, and our numerous House members with law enforcement backgrounds who came to the table and identified positive steps to back the blue.
Together, these efforts – and others in the Safe Alabama Package – reflect our deep and ongoing commitment to public safety and further establish Alabama as one of the most pro-law enforcement states in the nation.
“Veritas”
That Latin word meaning “Truth” has been the motto of Harvard University since 1643, so here are some hard truths about our nation’s most famous institution of higher learning.
Harvard has a history of condoning antisemitism.
Harvard seeks to silence speech with which it does not agree.
Harvard is openly hostile to conservative ideas, principles, and moral beliefs that combat the strictest liberal orthodoxy.
I know all of these things because I attended and graduated from Harvard along with a small group of like-minded conservative classmates that included Vivek Ramaswamy, who brainstormed the Department of Government Efficiency with Elon Musk.
Eager to attend the famous institution after my hard academic work and my parents’ financial sacrifice allowed me to enter its doors, it became readily apparent that as a hard-right, conservative Republican, I was a flag-waving patriot standing on enemy soil.
It is impossible to read today’s headlines or watch news television coverage without running across stories that make it apparent a permanent Woke-a-palooza festival is taking place on the Harvard campus.
While the university has always had a reputation as a leftist stronghold, it began to hit redline levels on the extremism meter with the permissive partisan policies of the Biden administration and the unconscionable and unprovoked attack on Israel by Hamas terrorists and Palestinian militants that resulted in 1,200 deaths, roughly 5,500 wounded, and 250 hostages being taken.
Mass protests broke out on Harvard Yard as hundreds of students gathered, but they were not holding prayer vigils or memorials for the Israeli victims — they were organizing solidarity rallies for the Palestinians who executed them.
Despite reports by Jewish students of an alarming uptick in antisemitic threats, violence, and hostility, Harvard President Claudine Gay soon after refused to say “Yes” during congressional testimony when New York Republican Rep. Elise Stefanik, also an alum, asked if calls by students for Jewish genocide violated the university’s policies.
Harvard eventually took action, but not in the manner that any rational person would assume.
The university sponsored “privilege training” for Jewish students that taught them they should feel guilt and provide atonement not only for their traditional “white privilege” — a bogus and divisive phrase that is prevalent in today’s woke lexicon — but also for the even higher degree of “privilege” that their religious faith affords them. Apparently being both white and Jewish is a mortal sin in the eyes of the Harvard intelligentsia.
While the cancer of antisemitism was allowed to metastasize at Harvard during the Biden administration, President Donald Trump took decisive steps to eradicate the disease upon taking office earlier this year.
As a result of executive orders issued to end political, religious, and racial bias that exists on college campuses across the county, the Trump administration informed Harvard that it was freezing $2.2 billion in federal grants until solid and concrete changes were implemented to meet the new requirements. A total of $9 billion in contracts and grants are at stake for non-compliance.
Among the necessary actions outlined in the letter were reforming Harvard’s schools, programs, and groups that have a history of antisemitic bias or politicization; auditing faculty members who discriminated against Jewish or Israeli students or incited students to participate in anti-Jewish rallies; ending hiring practices that are based upon “ideological litmus tests” or require compliance with a specific political philosophy; toughening student discipline policies and prohibiting campus groups that advocate criminal activity, violence, and harassment; and others.
Student groups specifically highlighted by the Trump administration included the Harvard Palestine Solidarity Committee, Harvard Graduates Students 4 Palestine, Law Students 4Palestine, and Students for Justice in Palestine, all of which were accused of promoting vehement antisemitic activity.
With an endowment totaling more than $50 billion and an army of liberal lawyers at his disposal, current Harvard University President Alan Garber pledged his refusal to comply and vowed to protect the hateful, leftist, socialistic Nirvana that has been built on his campus.
While I think President Trump’s pressure campaign can begin to tame the Woke Wild West at Harvard and other colleges, we must begin fighting a two-front war with conservative alumni placing pressure from the inside by withholding financial contributions, capital campaign funding, and other gifts until changes are made.
Colleges, especially private ones, operate on a steady diet of cold, hard cash, so perhaps a bit of economic starvation and deprivation from conservatives can force a change of course.
Unless Harvard quells its rampant antisemitism, ends violence and threats against Jewish students and faculty, bans support for terrorist groups, and demands equal respect, protection, and treatment for all who attend, it should change its motto from “Veritas” to “Odium.”
That is the Latin word for “Hate.”
Last week, the Legislature was successful in passing HB445, which is Alabama’s first comprehensive legislation regulating hemp products, such as gummies and drinks, since the federal farm bill legalized hemp-derived cannabis in 2018.
Like most bills, it resulted in compromise, as there were two very aggressive sides to the issue.
On one hand, you had the hemp industry, which, naturally, wasn’t a big fan of any kind of additional regulatory measures being placed upon its businesses.
On the other hand, you had the abolitionist crowd, which wanted these products out of Alabama entirely and pushed hard for an all-out ban.
Now that the bill has been passed and awaits Governor Ivey’ signature, I’m getting some not-so-polite feedback from both crowds.
The hemp industry’s customers are under the impression that I’ve taken their drug of choice or preferred medication away from them.
The abolitionist crowd is now accusing me of “legalizing recreational marijuana in the state of Alabama.”
I ask that you take a second and reflect upon the absolute absurdity of this situation.
No matter which side you fall on, it seems as though someone is misleading you because they simply didn’t get their way on this bill.
Let me say that again – special interests did not get their way on this bill, and now, their feelings are hurt.
Here’s the truth:
HB445 neither bans all hemp-derived THC products, nor does it legalize recreational marijuana. What it does is introduce commonsense controls on substances that are already federally legal.
- Smokable and vaporized products will no longer be legal.
- Ingestible products, like gummies and seltzers, remain legal but are capped at 10mg of THC per serving.
- Sales are restricted to specialty stores accessible only to those 21 and older.
- Hemp seltzers can be sold in grocery stores over 14,000 sq. ft., but only from employee-accessed storage — just like cigarettes.
What is disappointing, but ultimately not surprising, is that Stephanie Smith, the self-proclaimed “conservative thought leader of Alabama,” has come out against this bill and levied an attack on my integrity, comprised of verifiably false statements.
Last Friday, she claimed that as a result of HB445, “Alabama laws on recreational marijuana are now equal to or more lenient than Colorado drug laws.”
Even Pinocchio is impressed with that one…
I’ve spoken with parents, teachers, school leaders, and even the Alabama Poison Information Center about rising concerns with youth exposure to these products.
My goal was to address those issues with reasonable guardrails, not extremes.
Is this legislation perfect? Probably not, but it puts our state in a much better position than it was before.
Whichever side you are on, I implore you to not listen to those with ulterior motives and to take a few minutes to read the bill, judge it for yourself, and ignore those with wounded egos and political agendas.
Andy Whitt is a member of the Alabama House of Representatives for District 6, Madison & Limestone Counties.
When it comes to John Wahl, it seems some folks are more interested in spinning tales than telling the truth. Sure, a butterfly farmer turned political powerhouse sounds like something out of a quirky Southern novel, but let’s take a minute to separate the facts from the flutter.
First off, can we just appreciate the dedication it takes to go from farming butterflies to shaping political strategy? That’s not just impressive, it’s downright inspiring. John Wahl didn’t just wander into this role. He earned it by consistently advocating for conservative values and tirelessly supporting grassroots campaigns. If that’s not dedication to Alabama, then I don’t know what is.
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Now, about the name thing—Nehemiah or John, it’s like Shakespeare said, “A Wahl by any other name would still run the Alabama GOP.” The fact that Wahl goes by his middle name isn’t exactly a scandal. Ever heard of people going by their middle names in the South? It’s practically tradition. And as Wahl pointed out, he never tried to hide his full name. I guess some folks are just more focused on semantics than substance.
The real kicker? Wahl actually addressed the name confusion—he planned to move to Tennessee (which, let’s be honest, isn’t exactly moving to Mars), but COVID threw a wrench into his plans. If procrastination were a crime, most of us would be serving life sentences. The important thing is that Wahl made it right. He updated his license when he stayed in Alabama. Crisis averted.
Also, Wahl never hid his ID situation from election officials. And despite the noise, no legal action was taken against him because—wait for it—he didn’t actually break any laws. You can’t just throw accusations around without backing them up, but that’s exactly what’s happening here.
Let’s look at the facts.
Since taking the helm as Alabama GOP Chairman, Wahl has done more than just shake things up. He’s led the party to major victories, including securing more Republican seats in local and state elections. He’s known for being accessible, pragmatic, and laser-focused on policy rather than political games. Instead of running from controversy, Wahl addresses it head-on. That’s not being shifty. That’s being a leader.
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And let’s not overlook his commitment to fair elections. Under his watch, the Alabama GOP has consistently pushed for transparent and secure voting processes. Wahl’s dedication to voter integrity isn’t just talk—it’s policy. Isn’t that what we want from our leaders? Someone who’s not just winging it but putting in the work.
At the end of the day, the controversy over names and licenses is nothing but noise. What truly matters is Wahl’s ability to unite the party, keep conservative principles front and center, and fight for Alabama’s interests. That’s the story the critics are missing.
It may be more convenient to cast Wahl as an eccentric figure rather than recognize his contributions. But here’s a suggestion: Before embracing conspiracy theories, take a moment to examine the facts. You’ll find that the reality is much more straightforward—and far less sensational—than the critics suggest.
John Wahl has proven that you don’t need a fancy political pedigree to make a difference—you just need conviction, hard work, and the willingness to roll up your sleeves and get things done. Wahl’s impact on Alabama is unmistakable, leaving a legacy that will endure for generations. At the end of the day, whether he’s John, Nehemiah, or just the butterfly guy, one thing’s for sure—Wahl knows how to keep Alabama flying high.
Laura Johnston Clark is a wife, mother, and businesswoman. She grew up in the Wiregrass and now lives in Birmingham with her husband, retired Air Force Col. David Etheredge. She is a member of the Alabama Republican Party.
During the 2025 regular session of the Alabama Legislature, lawmakers have worked hard to address the needs and issues in every portion of our state – from the Gulf Coast to the Tennessee Valley, from the Wiregrass to the Blackbelt, from the big cities to the small towns, and in all points in between.
But Alabama’s rural areas have their own unique challenges that must be met, tackled, and resolved, and as leader of the Alabama Senate, I have spent much of my time bringing laser-like focus to accomplishing this mission.
I am proud of the significant progress we made this session on issues directly affecting rural Alabamians, and among those accomplishments are:
Rural Hospital Investment Act
Far too often, for example, headlines detail the closing or rolling back of services at rural hospitals across the state, and access to healthcare in less developed portions of Alabama is becoming increasingly limited, so the Legislature took action this session and put in place a commonsense, free market solution that will soon begin to provide relief.
Since 2011, more than a half-dozen rural hospitals in Alabama have been forced to close as a result of funding issues, and out of the 52 remaining, roughly half are considered to be at risk of closure.
It is estimated that close to 20 rural hospitals could shut their doors any day.
That is why we have created the Rural Hospital Investment Tax Credit, which allows individuals, businesses, and corporations to receive 100% tax credits for donations they make to rural medical centers located here.
Based on a program in Georgia that has generated approximately $430 million since its creation, the tax credit serves as an incentive for those willing to invest in our rural communities and the healthcare needs of those who reside in them.
Saving rural and small-town pharmacies
Similarly, independent pharmacies in rural Alabama have struggled for years due largely to the fact that long-standing rules and regulations in place have been stacked against them.
Pharmacy benefit managers, which are commonly known as PBMs and oversee the prescription drug programs for large insurers, have often forced independent druggists to sell some medicines at prices less than the costs to acquire them.
Everyone understands that consistently selling a product for less than you bought it is a recipe for bankruptcy, closure, and economic failure, but small-town drugstores in every rural area of the state were forced to do exactly that under the regulations.
It resulted in dozens of Alabama’s independent pharmacies being forced to go out of business over the past two years alone.
To solve the problem, the Legislature passed the Community Pharmacy Relief Act, a pro-business measure that simply levels the competition for pharmacies of all sizes ranging from hometown, mom-and-pop storefronts to the largest retail drug chains.
Most importantly, it shields consumers from having to pay higher costs at the cash register for the medicines they need to remain healthy and survive.
Small independent pharmacists are among the most trusted and respected individuals in our communities, especially in the rural parts of Alabama, and it is our job to ensure they operate under fair and impartial regulations.
Health coverage for Alabama farmers and the self-employed
Rural farmers in every community, town, and crossroads in Alabama work hard every day so their families may feed our families, and far too often they struggle to find affordable health insurance coverage, which is important when the agricultural industry traditionally operates on a financial razor’s edge.
One small farm operation reported paying as much as $2,500 a month for basic family coverage, an unsustainable long-term expense that amounted to three times their monthly mortgage payment.
In order to provide a measure of relief and a workable option, the Legislature authorized the Alabama Farmers’ Federation to offer its members an affordable healthcare program that mirrors those in 10 other states and provides coverage at premiums that are 30% to 60% less than comparable insurers.
While the insurance program does not fit every consumer’s needs and is perhaps best suited for the niche farm family market, it does provide a needed and literal lifeline to those in the agricultural field who need it.
Powering Growth in rural Alabama
This Legislature also passed the “Powering Growth” legislative package, which seeks to ensure that Alabama will always be able to meet increasing demands for energy while, just as importantly, bringing new jobs, hope, opportunity, and economic development to the portions of rural Alabama that need them most.
Rather than using a government program or bloated bureaucracy to meet these needs and open these doors, the package simply removes roadblocks that currently impede the private sector so it can put people to work and keep Alabama’s economy — in areas both rural and urban — strong and recession-resistant.
We are continuing and even boosting funding for rural broadband expansion across the state, and the Legislature has called upon the Alabama Growth Alliance to develop a detailed Rural Roadmap initiative that will serve as a coordinated plan to develop, revitalize, and breath new life in to rural communities in every pocket of the state.
Providing a strong voice for rural Alabama
As lawmakers, we understand the importance of Alabama’s rural roots in its history and cultural traditions, and we are taking the solid steps necessary to keep our rural areas strong and healthy so they continue contributing to the economic vitality of our state.
Standing tall for rural Alabama, its communities, its businesses, and its families is a job that we take seriously, and as long as I remain the leader of the Alabama State Senate, it is a duty we will fulfill.
Garlan Gudger is a small business owner. He currently serves as President Pro Tem of the Alabama State Senate, representing District 4, which includes portions of Cullman, Marion, and Winston counties.
America’s economic future hinges on energy—its reliability, affordability, and availability. Nowhere is that future being written more decisively than in Alabama.
While much of the country debates how to adapt to growing energy demands, Alabama is acting. With foresight and purpose, our state is building a foundation of energy strength that is not only fueling our own growth but offering a model for the nation. We’re not following trends—we’re setting them.
Earlier this year, Alabama took a historic leap forward with the passage of the Powering Growth legislative package, which is on its way to Governor Kay Ivey’s desk. This landmark initiative positions our state to compete and win in the global race for high-quality jobs, advanced manufacturing, and next-generation industry.
At the heart of Powering Growth is a simple, powerful idea: economic strength begins with energy strength. That’s why we’re investing in the infrastructure that powers everything—from rural development to robotics, from advanced manufacturing to domestic reshoring.
What makes Alabama stand out with Powering Growth:
- Proactive Planning: We didn’t wait for crisis or grid strain to act. Working with the Alabama Department of Commerce and the Alabama Growth Alliance as well as our energy providers, we commissioned a top-tier, independent study to guide our steps. The result is a strategic, data-backed energy blueprint tailored for long-term success.
- Private-Sector Focused: There are no massive government bureaucracies or tax hikes hiding in this plan. Alabama is harnessing market forces and private investment to drive results—especially in rural communities that other states often overlook.
- Real Infrastructure, Real Jobs: Through the creation of the Alabama Energy Infrastructure Bank (AEIB), we now have a fiscally conservative financing tool to accelerate the buildout of power systems that serve industrial sites. This means faster permitting, fewer bottlenecks, and shovel-ready opportunities for American companies looking to grow.
- Conservative Values in Action: Alabama’s approach doesn’t just make economic sense—it reflects our core principles: smaller government, smarter investment, energy independence, and national security. It’s an “America First” strategy built for the 21st century.
Other states have made big moves in energy infrastructure. But Alabama is matching that momentum with smart, agile legislation—and winning attention from industry leaders who see the value in our business climate and energy readiness.
This is not just about lights staying on—it’s about keeping America on. From Huntsville’s aerospace hubs to auto manufacturers across rural Alabama to our thriving ports in the Southern part of the state, Alabama’s economy is evolving, and we’re making sure our power grid is evolving with it.
We’ve seen what happens when infrastructure is neglected—whether it’s blackouts abroad or costly slowdowns at home that halts job creation in its tracks. Alabama isn’t waiting for a crisis. We’re preparing for a future of growth, resilience, and global competitiveness.
The Powering Growth package is a promise to the people of our state that Alabama will lead with vision, act with discipline, and compete with confidence. Our message to the rest of the world is clear: if you want to see how energy and economic policy can work hand in hand, look no further than Sweet Home Alabama.
We’re not just powering Alabama—we’re powering what’s next.
Garlan Gudger (R-Cullman) is the Alabama Senate President Pro Tempore, Nathaniel Ledbetter (R-Rainsville) is the Alabama Speaker of the House, and Arthur Orr (R-Decatur) is the Chairman of the Alabama Senate Ways and Means Education Committee.
Families are the backbone of our society, and when they thrive, our communities prosper. Yet, in today’s complex world, many families, especially those led by single mothers, face immense challenges. Senator Katie Britt’s MOMS Act (More Opportunities for Moms to Succeed) is a ground-breaking initiative that addresses these challenges head-on, providing the kind of support that can truly transform lives.
As a single mother who has raised two wonderful daughters from a young age, I know the hardships that come with balancing all aspects of parenting on my own. By the grace of God, my daughters have grown into successful, resilient young women, but it wasn’t always easy. From financial ups and downs to the emotional weight of being both mother and father, the journey was often overwhelming. I am proud of how far we’ve come, but I also recognize that not every mother has the same resources or support network that I did.
RELATED: Katie Britt reintroduces MOMS Act to strengthen support for mothers and families
The MOMS Act is important because it recognizes that mothers are often the central figure in their children’s lives and that supporting them directly impacts the entire family. The Act aims to improve access to maternal healthcare, provide critical resources through a centralized Pregnancy.gov website, and fund programs that help mothers succeed both during and after pregnancy. These initiatives are crucial not just for the well-being of mothers but for the entire family unit.
For single mothers like myself, this kind of support could make all the difference. Too often, single parents are left to juggle work, childcare, and countless responsibilities without the support of a partner. When mothers are overwhelmed, it becomes nearly impossible to meet the diverse needs of their children, from emotional nurturing to educational guidance. The MOMS Act helps alleviate some of that burden, providing practical help so mothers can focus on nurturing their children.
One of the most critical aspects of the MOMS Act is that it doesn’t just focus on economic aid; it fosters a holistic approach to family well-being. By equipping mothers with better healthcare and support systems, it indirectly makes space for fathers to be more involved as well. Often, when mothers are overwhelmed, fathers may feel pushed out or unsure of how to contribute. Creating a stronger support system for moms inherently benefits fathers as well, allowing both parents to find their place within the family structure.
RELATED: Fact checking the ‘intentionally false and dangerous’ smear of Sen. Britt’s MOMS Act
I often think about how much easier my journey would have been if I had more comprehensive support during those early years. Despite my best efforts, there were times when I worried about whether I was doing enough or being enough for my daughters. This is the reality many single mothers face—an endless balancing act that can feel nearly impossible without adequate help.
The MOMS Act gives mothers a fighting chance to meet the needs of their children without feeling utterly depleted. It supports the health, stability, and emotional well-being of families, allowing children to thrive. When mothers succeed, children succeed, and when families flourish, society as a whole becomes stronger.
Senator Katie Britt’s vision acknowledges that mothers are not just caregivers but are foundational to the strength and stability of their families. This legislation represents a step toward acknowledging the real struggles mothers face and offers tangible solutions. It’s a beacon of hope for single parents like me and a practical way to ensure that more families can thrive.
It is time we support the MOMS Act—not just for the mothers it aims to help, but for every member of the family. It’s not just policy; it’s a pathway to a stronger future for families everywhere.
Laura Johnston Clark is a mother, businesswoman, and member of the Alabama Republican Party. She grew up in the Wiregrass and now resides in Birmingham.
Show me a successful law enforcement agency, and I’ll show you a successful community.
These are the men and women who show up every time they are called, when no one else wants to. They protect the schools we send our children to, ensure our roadways are safe, and sometimes – unfortunately – must experience the most unfathomable of situations.
These men and women do this while navigating the ever-growing complexities of the job.
I won’t mince words here: police officers have continuously been beat down and vilified by the media for simply doing their jobs.
Bad actors have worked tirelessly to politicize a profession that quite frankly has no room whatsoever for it.
This situation has cast a ripple effect across every law enforcement agency in America, and this isn’t my opinion, it’s simply what the statistics are telling us.
A nationwide survey of over 7,900 police officers revealed that 86% believe high-profile incidents involving law enforcement have made their jobs more challenging.
Approximately 72% reported being less willing to stop and question suspicious individuals, and about 75% were more hesitant to use force when necessary.
Another survey of 276 municipal police chiefs noted that the current risks associated with proactive policing discourage officers from taking action.
This reluctance is the product of law enforcement not feeling they are supported, and it’s having dangerous consequences for our communities.
It’s leading to increased crime rates, erosion of public trust, and struggles with recruitment and retention of law enforcement officers.
That’s why I’m supporting House Bill 202, the Back the Blue Protection Act.
We must fight to get it across the finish line as we approach the end of the legislative session. Our officers deserve to know that Alabama has got their backs.
This bill has a clear and simple goal: to give officers the confidence to protect our communities without fear of being dragged into court over baseless claims.
It states that officers can’t be sued in civil court unless they’ve done something clearly reckless or violated someone’s well-established rights. That’s what qualified immunity means.
It also provides criminal immunity—as long as the officer’s actions don’t cross the line into unconstitutional use of force.
But make no mistake, this isn’t a free pass. Officers would still go before a judge, who will decide whether there’s enough evidence for a case to move forward.
What this bill does is raise the bar for when a lawsuit can be brought—not eliminate accountability.
If an officer acts outside their authority, they will still be held responsible, just like anyone else.
But we shouldn’t let a good officer be sidelined for months—or even years—defending themselves against a claim that doesn’t hold water.
What critics are claiming, however, is that this bill would place law enforcement officers “above the law,” which is absolutely false.
In today’s day and age, nearly every interaction police have is recorded—whether it’s a body cam or someone filming on their phone. There’s accountability baked into the job now more than ever before.
Let me be clear: if an officer has acted outside the boundaries of his or her authority, they will still be held accountable to the full letter of the law.
All this bill does is provide them additional protections from baseless claims made against them, as decided by a judge. This is by no means the “Get Out of Jail Free Card” many are claiming it to be.
It’s a fair process for the people we count on to run toward danger when the rest are running away.
It’s disappointing that some, many of whom represent areas with the highest violent crime rates in the state, are working so hard against this Bill.
I respect the opinions of anyone who has negative feelings about the bill, but I also want to let you know that I have attended over a dozen law enforcement officers funerals over the years in Alabama and seen the loss of family members in this profession.
Alabama has a chance to lead the nation on backing the blue. Alabama’s law enforcement officers deserve nothing short of support, appreciation, and respect – especially from elected officials.
It’s time we show them we’ve got their backs—because they have yours.
Bill Partridge is a 36-year veteran of law enforcement and the Chief of Police and Director of Public Safety for the City of Oxford, Alabama.
President Donald J. Trump’s first 100 days back in the White House have been nothing short of historic. After four years of open borders, weaponized government, and economic decline under Joe Biden, we now have a president that is committed to putting the American people first.
In just 100 days, President Trump has done more to restore the American Dream than most presidents have done in a full term. Just hours after his inauguration, he began undoing Biden’s disastrous executive orders, especially those that crippled our energy sector, restrained our economy, and opened our borders to chaos.
We see illegal border encounters down 94% compared to this time last year. President Trump has made illegal aliens afraid to try to enter the United States because they know they will be found by law enforcement, arrested, and deported. His mass deportation operation has led to 113,000 illegals being arrested and over 100,000 have been deported. The President’s deportation raids have also seen a 655% spike in arrests of terrorists within the United States. His plan to secure our border and make our nation safer is working.
We are seeing an economic revival. The President continues to slash job-killing regulations, re-open oil and gas production, leading to the United States being the largest net exporter of natural gas in the world, and restore confidence for small business owners and farmers across the country. He has secured more investments in the United States in his first 100 days than Joe Biden did in four years.
The President has shown American strength abroad. He has made clear that under his leadership, the United States will never be pushed around. There will be no more blank checks for nations around the world and no more bending the knee to adversaries like China or Iran. President Trump has made the world respect the United States once again.
President Trump is fighting for our America First values. The radical Left tried to divide us, silence us, and cancel us—but President Trump continues to prove he was the right choice to bring America into its Golden Age.
What I see in President Trump’s second term is a president who is leading with even more clarity and conviction than in his first term. No wonder the swamp is terrified.
President Trump answers only to the American people.
His first 100 days have been historic—but the best is yet to come. With President Trump back in the White House, and Republicans controlling the House and the Senate, we will take back our nation, restore our freedoms, and secure a future worthy of our children and grandchildren.
I am fighting alongside President Trump for the strong conservative values we believe in so we can keep America great.
If you need help from my office with the VA, IRS, or another federal agency, or with a government service like passport processing, please reach out to us. We’ve resolved over 6,300 cases since I took office in 2021. Visit one of my offices in Dothan, Andalusia, Mobile, Foley, Bay Minette or Washington, call us at 334-478- 6630, or visit http://barrymoore.house.gov to learn how we can help.
World War II ended in Europe 80 years ago, but without obtaining its stated objective. The cause of the war — the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Poland — went unrealized.
Poland had merely traded Nazi occupation for Russian domination.
For all the high-minded conjecture about a safer, more secure world, the fate of Poland was completely lost in the shuffle. The future peace and stability of a new world order sacrificed Poland to the Soviet sphere of influence.
Even before the war was over, there was optimism in the West that with the catastrophe of the conflict and its devastating destruction, civilization could give the world a new start. This idealism was first reflected in the Atlantic Charter, which provided a framework for the United Nations. While the terms of the Charter were aspirational and a gentlemen’s agreement between Churchill and Roosevelt, it nevertheless advocated for self-determination, for people to elect their government and for territory taken during the war to be restored.
Occurring at almost the same time as Germany was surrendering, a meeting was held to charter a post-war, international body codifying the name given to the Allied forces — the United Nations. This precursory meeting was happening in San Francisco 80 years ago and would include representatives from all the countries allied against the Axis powers. There was one noticeable exception.
Poland.
To a rational or otherwise casual observer, Poland’s omission seems hard to believe. Six years had not yet passed since Britain and France guaranteed Polish freedom with a military alliance. Even when Germany invaded there was a sliver of hope that war might be averted, but once Hitler refused to halt the invasion and withdraw his troops, World War II was effectively underway.
Polish troops fought bravely to defend their country, and news stories abound with acts of bravery and heroism within the Polish armed forces. But the reality was that Poland was unprepared; its antiquated weapons and were no match for the technological proficiencies of the Nazi forces.
Poland did not go down without a fight and never surrendered. Its leaders left Warsaw and eventually established an in-exile government in London. Unlike other nations conquered by the Nazis, Poland would never have a collaborationist government. No Pole allied themselves with the Nazi regime. Rather, Poland would pay the price for resisting Nazi occupation.
Its armed forces, while defeated, escaped to continue the fight.
Poland would field the fourth largest army in Europe, and its troops, once provided modern weapons, would punch far above their weight as some of the best fighter pilots and soldiers for the Allied cause. The Polish government in-exile was recognized by other nations, and for its part, was an initial participant in meetings to discuss post-war Europe.
It is not a stretch to say that the initial phases of World War II were primarily focused on Poland. The Poles did all the fighting. The promises from Britain and France of reinforcements, support and intervention were hollow as nothing of any consequence ever materialized. Poland was left on its own to endure the Blitzkrieg from the highly mechanized and well-trained Nazis. Poland resisted longer than expected, but reluctantly ceded territory to the invaders.
Had Poland fought only Germany, that would be one thing, but shortly after the Nazis invaded, Russia joined in, creating a two-front war against two armies — one armed with modern weapons and the other with overwhelming numbers of soldiers. Russia was a part of Poland’s defeat and had, in fact, negotiated and coordinated with Hitler on the joint invasion.
Six years later, Russia would end World War II with Poland in its hip pocket. Germany might not have any Polish territory to show for its efforts, but not so the Russians. Stalin accomplished his objectives and more.
And he did it in the most calculated and deceitful way possible.
First, he created his own Polish government in-exile that was comprised of Polish communists who would do his bidding. Secondly, at both the Tehran and Yalta conferences, he wore down Churchill and Roosevelt to cede Polish territory. Finally, Stalin agreed that once the war ended, he would support a unity government formed from a national election. The only promise Stalin kept was dismembering Polish territory. His commitments to free elections were illusory, and he broke every agreement that would give Poles a chance for liberty.
Stalin’s conniving was breath-taking in its deception and brutality. He had his puppet “unity government” call a meeting of influential Polish military, political, and intellectual leaders only to have them all arrested and jailed. Stalin rigged the elections so that only his loyal communists won.
This created two governments. The London government was recognized by most countries, except Russia. The communist government was recognized by Russia alone. So, 80 years ago, when the war in Europe ended and delegates met to consider the UN Charter, no one could agree on the proper Polish delegation.
In reality, no one wanted to challenge Stalin and upset the fragile peace and future stability of the world. Even though there was an empty seat for Poland in recognition of its sacrifice during the WWII, Poland had no delegates to discuss the end of a conflict started in its backyard.
As the delegates assembled in San Francisco for their opening conclave, the Polish pianist, Arthur Rubinstein, played a concert for the delegates. His subtle protest still resonates: “In this hall, where the great nations gather to make a better world, I miss the flag of Poland for which this cruel war was fought. I shall play my national anthem—please stand!” As unauthorized as it was poignant, he played the Polish national anthem.
For the Poles, the end of the war in Europe meant little. It would take almost 45 years for the final objective of World War II to be accomplished — self-determination for Poland. No explanation is needed to explain why Poland’s military budget is the third largest in NATO.
Will Sellers is a graduate of Hillsdale College and was appointed by Gov. Kay Ivey as an Associate Justice on the Supreme Court of Alabama. He is best reached at jws@willsellers.com.
Our Alabama Baptist retreat at Shocco Springs is a gorgeous place, and I’ve enjoyed every event I’ve attended there. Several years ago, I attended a two-day training course for pastors. A conference for senior adults was on site at the same time. I saw that the other group was having a concert that night when our group wasn’t meeting, so I went.
The singer did a great job. He sang some “oldies” like “Silhouette” by Peter Noone and “Can’t Help Falling In Love With You” by Elvis. He sang the latter as a ballad, and the group spontaneously began to sing with him, including yours truly. It was a beautiful moment. Since Elvis has been dead nearly 50 years it was a tribute to him that we knew his song, and an affirmation that all of us were certifiably old!
Another memorable song from that era was “Yesterday When I Was Young” by Roy Clark. I concur with this song.
It seems like yesterday that I was an eager high schooler, earnestly seeking God’s plan for my life. Our church asked us to serve on our annual Youth Sunday, and the adults patiently endured our teaching classes and speaking from the pulpit.
Our denomination doesn’t have an official training program for young pastors. We announce we’re called, and then we get opportunities to speak in the churches. I have sermon notes from those pre-electronic days and would be embarrassed for others to see them now! I’ve often suggested great is the reward in heaven for those church members who encouraged, and tolerated, us kids.
And then there was college and seminary. This was before we had schools we could click on, so ministers had to determine which city to move to for study. I chose our mother seminary in Louisville and enjoyed serving a church in southern Indiana on weekends.
Then life events passed quickly: the death of parents, our children being born and the challenges of serving churches.
I accepted a new ministry in 1998 and spent 15 years on the faculty and administration at Judson College. I also had the opportunity to serve two wonderful churches in the area on a part-time basis. My nearly four years at Marion Presbyterian Church as “stated supply” gave me an appreciation for my PCA brothers. This prepared me for our daughter now on staff at a local Presbyterian church where our son-in-law serves as deacon. Another Presbyterian bonus is three wonderful grandsons!
Now I’m in the “back nine” as the late Rush Limbaugh called it—a time to reflect with gratitude, a time to enjoy friendships and a time to encourage a new generation, just as my boyhood church encouraged me. -30-
“Reflections” is a weekly faith column written by Michael J. Brooks, pastor of the Siluria Baptist Church, Alabaster, Alabama. The church’s website is siluriabaptist.com.
The partisan complexion of Alabama’s Congressional delegation has changed from six Republicans and one lone Democrat to five Republicans and two Democrats.
This change was orchestrated by federal court decree. The federal courts plowed new ground when they ruled that Alabama’s Legislature did not have the right to draw their own congressional lines.
The U.S. Supreme Court has adamantly decreed, for the entire duration of U.S. history, that the state legislatures have the omnipotent political power to draw their own state congressional districts. In opinion after opinion, SCOTUS has acknowledged that this is an inherently political process and that you cannot take the politics out of redistricting. It is a political process, and “to the victor go the spoils.”
RELATED: Steve Flowers: New Second Congressional District is race to watch
What that means is that if the Democratic Party is in the majority in New York state, the Democrats in the New York legislature get to control the pencil that draws their state congressional lines, and they can draw the congressional districts in their state to favor Democrats. That is the way it is all over the country.
In Alabama, a Republican-appointed federal judge ruled that Alabama’s super majority, Republican legislature, does not have the same political right to draw their lines for partisan reasons. The Northern District of Alabama federal judge’s reason was that Alabama does not have the same rights as other states because of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. That Act carved out a handful of southern states and placed us under the scrutiny of the U.S. Justice Department when any voting procedures are involved, because of past racial discrimination. Therefore, Alabama Republicans of today do not have the same constitutional precedence rights to political redistricting as Democrats in New York do today, because of the sins of Alabama Democrats of bygone days.
The die may not be cast totally on this ruling. The Alabama Republicans may make another run at overturning this new precedent. They will hang their hat on a North Carolina case where SCOTUS ruled that North Carolina could draw their districts politically. That case is not exactly on point. However, there is a new Trump Justice Department, and that may shed a new light on it.
The courts drew the new Second Congressional District in South Alabama as a seat that should vote 60% for a Democrat. They overtly ruled that this district is drawn to be a Democratic seat. The race for this gerrymandered seat was the only good, contested race on the Alabama ballot last year. It featured two stellar youthful candidates, Democrat Shomari Figures and Republican Caroleene Dobson. She made it a close race. Figures, the Democrat, won with 55% of the vote. He will represent this new district for at least two years.
Our five incumbent Republican Congressmen, Robert Aderholt, Mike Rogers, Gary Palmer, Dale Strong, and Barry Moore, were all overwhelmingly re-elected in 2024 with no or token opposition, as was Democrat Terri Sewell. Figures joined Sewell in the House Democratic Caucus.
The real loser in this new Second District are the white Republican voters and the business community in Mobile. They have no pro-business resident Republican Congressman for the first time in at least six decades. These Mobile/Baldwin business and civic leaders are distraught and up in arms. The old First District of Alabama has been a mainstay for the economic growth and prosperity of the Gulf Coast Mobile/Baldwin metropolitan area. The region has had a mainstream effective Republican resident congressman since 1964, beginning with Jack Edwards and continuing with Sonny Callahan, Jo Bonner, Bradley Byrne, and then Jerry Carl.
This gerrymandered new Second District merges the Mobile/Baldwin Republicans with the Wiregrass Republicans. Therefore, one of the regions was due to get the short end of the stick. The two regions have completely different economic needs from Washington. You actually have to drive through Florida to get from Dothan to Mobile. The Wiregrass Congressman Barry Moore bested the Mobile Congressman Jerry Carl in the GOP Primary. Jerry Carl summed it up well, recently, “It’s just about impossible for anyone in District One to do the District justice. You can’t serve two masters…Dothan is so much different than Mobile and vice versa.” We will see.
See you next week.
Steve Flowers is Alabama’s leading political columnist. His weekly column appears in over 60 Alabama newspapers. He served 16 years in the state legislature. Steve may be reached at steve@steveflowers.us.
Leadership matters — and nowhere is that more evident than in the recent events surrounding the Alabama Public Library System. In an age when too many public institutions have bowed the knee to radical woke agendas, Alabama is blessed to have leaders like John Wahl who are willing to stand in the gap to protect our children and our values.
As Chairman of the APLS Board, John Wahl has been a bold and principled advocate for families, for common sense, and the future of Alabama’s libraries.
As an avid reader and the mother of children who are both well-read and published authors, libraries have always been important to me. I know how valuable they are to communities — especially for children, students, and seniors who rely on them for education and new opportunities.
That’s why it’s so important that Alabama’s libraries stay focused on serving the people of our state, not on pushing a divisive social agenda.
Recent APLS code changes made sure that the people of Alabama were put first by requiring that all sexually explicit and inappropriate books be moved out of library youth sections. This was not a decision the board made lightly. It followed a 90-day public comment period, which included a six-hour public hearing and 6,475 letters received from across the state.
The overwhelming majority of those who commented supported the code changes or wanted them stronger in protecting children.
After debate and consideration of all the facts, the APLS Board rejected the openly Marxist agenda promoted by the American Library Association and stood with the people of Alabama in protecting our children. This victory for common sense would not have been possible without the leadership and groundwork laid by Chairman Wahl.
The current APLS Board has always focused on ensuring that all families feel welcome in our libraries, and that libraries remain a useful and successful part of our communities.
That’s why sustainable funding has been another top priority for APLS. No matter how passionate a librarian may be or how valuable the programs, libraries simply cannot thrive without the resources they need.
Alabama libraries are fortunate to have Chairman Wahl working to secure funding for them. As a member of both the APLS Board and the Etowah County library board, I believe this critical issue has been overlooked by many in the press and within library systems.
Last year, funding for Alabama libraries was cut after members of the State Legislature lost trust in the direction libraries were headed. Since the new code changes and John Wahl’s election as Chairman of the APLS Board, state library funding has stabilized.
This year’s education budget includes guaranteed replacement funding for critical grants in case Alabama libraries lose any federal support. No other state library board in the nation has achieved this level of financial security for its public libraries.
And the new changes at the APLS don’t stop at funding. We also listened closely to feedback from local libraries about how federal grants are awarded — and when we saw room for improvement, the APLS Board didn’t hesitate to act. That kind of openness and flexibility is rare in government, and it’s another reason Chairman Wahl’s leadership should be appreciated by local libraries.
Transparency has also seen remarkable improvement in recent months. From live streaming board meetings, to publishing minutes online, to posting agendas in advance — the APLS Board is working to build a culture of trust that allows Alabamians to engage with their library system like never before.
Those who attempt to sow confusion or discord only hurt our local libraries further. Some have tried to suggest that the term “sexually explicit” is vague or open to interpretation — and therefore, sexually explicit books should remain in youth sections.
That argument completely falls apart when you consider the clear legal definition provided to all Alabama libraries following the recent code changes. This definition, drawn directly from 18 U.S.C. § 2256 and Alabama Code § 13A-12-200.1, outlines the following as sexually explicit content:
- Sexual intercourse, including genital-genital, oral-genital, anal-genital, or oral-anal, whether between persons of the same or opposite sex;
- Sexual excitement;
- Nudity;
- Bestiality;
- Masturbation;
- Sadistic or masochistic abuse; or
- Lascivious exhibition of the anus, genital or pubic area of any person; and predominantly appeals to the prurient interest of minors 17 years and younger.
The standard is clear. Alabama libraries have well-defined guidelines on how to comply with state code and protect the most innocent members of our communities. It’s time to move forward together, putting the people of Alabama first and upholding the values we were appointed to represent.
Far-left groups have desperately tried to distort the facts, falsely accusing Chairman Wahl and the entire Board of “attacking” libraries. Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact, far from hurting libraries, the new policies and code changes have actually helped restore public confidence.
They’ve made more families feel welcome, strengthened open debate on important issues, and opened the door to even greater funding opportunities by demonstrating that Alabama libraries are committed to serving all residents responsibly.
Many people know John Wahl as a nationally recognized lepidopterist (butterfly farmer) or as the current Chairman of the Alabama Republican Party. He also serves as Vice Chair of the Republican National Committee for the Southern Region. But it’s his work as Chairman of the APLS that I believe deserves special recognition.
Thanks to his national relationships, tireless work ethic, and genuine love for Alabama, our libraries are stronger, better protected, and better funded. Under his leadership, the APLS Board has worked to preserve the true mission of public libraries: to serve all citizens — especially children — in a safe, welcoming environment, free from inappropriate and sexually explicit content.
Earlier this month, the Alabama Senate took important steps to solidify a pro-parent approach to protecting our children in the digital sphere. The App Store Accountability Act or Senate Bill 187, sponsored by Senator Clyde Chambliss and Representative Chris Sells, would require app stores be held accountable and require parental consent before children can download apps.
While Senate Bill 187 passed resoundingly out of the Senate with a 26-6 vote, the App Store Accountability Act now awaits a House committee hearing and floor vote. For years, House Speaker Nathaniel Ledbetter has shown himself to be an advocate for families and parental rights; he should not stop now because there is no better time to protect our children from the digital version of what we already protect them from in the physical world. And Senate Bill 187 would do just that.
Utah recently passed the App Store Accountability Act – becoming the first in the nation to make these commonsense requirements for parental consent law. Alabama would join Texas, Louisiana, South Carolina, and other states wanting to instill these tools for parents to better monitor what their children are doing on their devices.
At large, Alabama parents across the state overwhelmingly support the App Store Accountability Act. A recent poll commissioned by the Alabama Policy Institute found that 83% of Alabama parents support requiring app stores to obtain parental approval before children download apps.
Even better, this approach has broad bipartisan support – with 89% of Republicans and 75% of Democrats and Independents supportive of app store parental consent. Extensive support also exists across community type here in the Yellowhammer State, where 85% of rural and small-town voters, as well as nearly 8-in-10 suburban and urban voters support the requirement.
If there is one thing we can agree on in Alabama, it is protecting our children. The bipartisan nature of age verification and parental approval speaks to its importance and effectiveness.
While Big Tech companies like Apple would prefer not be held accountable, the reality is they already have the tools that could help parents! Requiring app stores to use the information they already have for parental approval before children download apps will put parents back in the driver’s seat when it comes to their child’s online safety and wellbeing.
The question Speaker Ledbetter and others should be asking is why these companies are so hesitant to proactively turn these features on to protect the safety and well-being of Alabama’s youth.
The App Store Accountability Act not only protects our children, it protects our inherent parental rights and liberties. App store level age verification also protects minors from all types of apps – including those parents might not even know about.
Parental consent at the app store level takes the guessing out of managing our children’s internet exposure and makes parents the ultimate decision makers – not the government.
As a mother and steadfast advocate for the foundational values of faith, family, and freedom – I believe this kind of legislation is crucial now. Not next year, but now.
Every single day that we wait to enforce online protections for our children, the more they face the risk of early and accidental exposure to potentially life-altering content.
I urge Speaker Ledbetter to once again stand with parents and allow Alabama House members the opportunity to vote on Senate Bill 187, the App Store Accountability Act, to protect children online and strengthen the rights of parents.
Stephanie Smith is the President and CEO of the Alabama Policy Institute.
This session, the Alabama Legislature has passed multiple bills that show our leaders’ commitment to Christian values.
As the session draws to a close, one more significant opportunity to follow the teachings of the Bible in how our system treats “the least of these” remains: passage of SB 156, the Second Chance Bill.
Part of Gov. Kay Ivey’s legislative package, SB 156 is a cautious, conservative, bipartisan bill that will begin to address the moral and fiscal failures caused by thousands of senior Alabamians warehoused in our prison system. Throughout the Holy Scriptures, God calls us to do exactly what this bill does.
The Second Chance Bill accomplishes all three of what the prophet Micah describes as good requirements of God: do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly. (Micah 6:8). The bill is grounded in justice; it requires that all cases be reviewed by a judge before any resentencing occurs and that victims involved in the case be notified and allowed to speak at a hearing.
The bill is humble in scope; approximately 150-180 people are expected to be eligible under the bill’s criteria, and no one with an offense involving physical injury anywhere on their record is eligible for review.
Importantly, no one will even be automatically released; instead the bill simply allows a small group of people to request review and with input from the District Attorney and victim, the judge can decide if a life without parole sentence is still necessary. Finally, the Second Chance Bill offers mercy, as all of the people eligible for resentencing have already served over 25 years of their lives in extremely challenging prison conditions.
The Second Chance Bill is an opportunity to put Christian belief into action. In the Lord’s prayer, Jesus instructs Christians to pray that God’s will “be done on earth, as it is in heaven” (Matt. 6:9-10).
Part of doing His will is to “be merciful, just as your Father is merciful.” (Luke 6:36), and to “forgive those who trespass against us” (Matt. 6:12). Showing mercy is a mandate for Christians, as James writes: “judgment without mercy will be shown to anyone who has not been merciful.
Mercy triumphs over judgment.” (James 2:13). Passing the Second Chance bill will give “glory to your Father who is in heaven.” (See Matt. 5:16). By extending mercy to people otherwise condemned to continual harm and ultimately, death behind bars, we show that “the Lord is full of compassion and mercy” (James 5:11).
Several years ago, I was privileged to meet a prisoner who will likely die behind bars unless this bill passes. His story fuels my support for SB 156. In his early 20s, John Manley was sentenced to life imprisonment without parole for burglary in 1986.
Not only did he never physically harm any victim; he never even saw a victim. John’s father was a WWII combat veteran who has passed away, but his 90-year-old mother is holding out hope that the Legislature will remedy the injustice present in our system and decide that almost 40 years is enough for burglary. SB 156 is currently the only avenue for that to happen.
Finally, the Second Chance bill enables us to be an “instrument of peace” as described in the Prayer of St. Francis of Assisi: “where there is despair” the bill offers “hope”; “where there is darkness, light”; “where there is sadness, joy”; and “where there is injury, pardon.”
Passing the Second Chance Bill is a major step toward rehabilitation and redemption. The Alabama House should pass SB 156 and continue to send the message that mercy and forgiveness have not been abandoned by Alabama’s faithful. After all, as St. Francis prayed: “it is in pardoning, that we are pardoned.”
Former Congressman Spencer Bachus represented Alabama’s Sixth Congressional District from 1993 to 2015. He also served as Chairman of the Alabama Republican Party. He’s currently in his second term on the Board of Directors at the Export-Import Bank.
As Alabama’s economy evolves with technological advancements and shifting employment trends, the Legislature is taking important steps to support the growing number of independent workers in our state.
This session, the Alabama Legislature passed a forward-thinking bill that provides much-needed support to self-employed individuals and independent contractors.
From Uber and Lyft drivers to DoorDash delivery workers, entertainers, and freelance professionals, Alabama has more than 79,000 independent contractors. Whether it’s parents working around school schedules, college students picking up jobs between classes, or retirees earning supplemental income, these opportunities meet people where they are in life.
But that flexibility often comes at a cost: a lack of access to benefits like health insurance and retirement plans.
Our legislation is a pro-worker, pro-business solution that modernizes Alabama’s labor laws and ensures that independent workers aren’t left behind.
Because Governor Ivey has signed the bill into law, starting next year, businesses can voluntarily make contributions into portable benefit accounts – accounts owned and controlled by the workers themselves. These funds can be used for needs like health care coverage, child care, parental leave, and retirement savings.
Importantly, the structure is voluntary and flexible, meaning there are no mandates forcing businesses or workers to participate.
That’s the kind of smart policy government should pursue—not one that dictates when, where, for whom, or how people work, but one that clears the way for them to work and succeed on their own terms.
In Alabama, we understand that our economy is only as strong as our workforce. That’s why we’ve passed initiatives like Working for Alabama and created the new Department of Workforce. This new law builds on that momentum and sends a clear message: Alabama is committed to helping all workers succeed—whether they’re clocking in at a plant or logging hours on an app.
Alabama is helping lead the way nationally. While legislation is pending in several states, Alabama is among the first states to act. At the federal level, legislation has also been introduced to expand portable benefits nationwide.
This bipartisan legislation presents a unique opportunity to support independent workers and fuel Alabama entrepreneurship. And for the tens of thousands of freelancers, gig workers, and self-employed individuals across Alabama, this is a big step in the right direction.
Portable benefits will remove barriers, spark job growth, and help more Alabamians take control of their future.
We’re not just recognizing the future of work–we’re helping build it.
State Sen. Arthur Orr (R-Decatur) and State Rep. Neil Rafferty (D-Birmingham) sponsored legislation establishing portable benefits accounts to support Alabama’s independent workforce.
Our Alabama Supreme Court is a stellar group. All nine of our Alabama justices are Republicans. They are conservative Republicans, and that is not bad. It is actually proper and appropriate, given that we are one of the most conservative Republican states in America. Not only are all of the Supreme Court Jurists Republicans, every statewide elected official and constitutional officeholder in Alabama are GOP stalwarts, as well as both of our U.S. Senators.
Speaking of which, all of our constitutional offices are up for election in 2026. On the ballot next year are all 140 State Legislative seats, Governor, Lt. Governor, Attorney General, State Treasurer, Secretary of State, Auditor, as well as the seat of our Senior U.S. Senator Tommy Tuberville.
RELATED: If Tuberville walks, who runs? A look at possible 2026 U.S. Senate contenders
We also have two of our State Supreme Court seats up for election next year. Justices Greg Shaw and Brad Mendheim are up for re-election. Both men are immensely qualified, proven conservative pro-business Republican Jurists. They are both running for re-election and should be re-elected, and probably neither will or should receive any opposition.
Judge Brad Mendheim will be pursuing his second, full six-year term. He was born to be a judge. He was born and raised in Dothan. His father was a local pharmacist. He became a Circuit Judge for Houston and Henry Counties at a young age. He served as Wiregrass Circuit Judge for a decade. He is very well respected in his hometown. Home folks know you best. He is a pillar of the First Baptist Church of Dothan. He is only 56 years old and should be a mainstay of the Supreme Court for several more decades.
Speaking of mainstays, the senior member of the Supreme Court, Justice Greg Shaw, will be running for his fourth term on the Supreme Court. Greg Shaw has been doing appellate work for the State of Alabama for 40 years now – 16 years as a Staff Attorney of the Supreme Court, eight years as a Judge of the Court of Criminal Appeals, and 16 years as a Justice on the Supreme Court. So, he has been an Appellate Judge or Justice for 24 years.
Greg is married to another outstanding Alabamian, Samantha “Sam” Shaw. Sam Shaw was elected to two consecutive, four-year terms as State Auditor. She served with distinction without a lot of fanfare. Greg’s 24 years on the Bench is of the same recipe. He has been diligent, quiet, and steady. The Shaws, Greg and Sam, are reflective of what is the best of Alabama.
RELATED: Alabama Supreme Court holds oral arguments at UNA
Sam and Greg have been married for 45 years. They met while they were students at Auburn University, from which they graduated. Greg went on to law school at Cumberland School of Law and graduated in 198,2 and went to work at the Supreme Court soon thereafter. Sam and Greg are lifelong Methodists.
They have two sons, Gregory William Shaw, a graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point, with a major in mechanical engineering. Their second son is also an engineer, having graduated from Georgia Tech.
Greg and Sam were both born and raised in Jefferson County. Sam grew up in Homewood. Greg grew up in the Roebuck area of Birmingham. Sam and Greg live on a farm in Tallapoosa County. They have also gotten a second residence in Cullman to be near their grandchildren.
Greg is a master beekeeper. He loves it. Sam and Greg are happily enjoying their grandbabies, beekeeping, and taking care of their farm.
Greg Shaw is 67. Under State Law, a Judge cannot run for election after they turn 70. Therefore, Shaw will be running for his final six-year term on the Court.
Thankfully, Alabama will have the steady, mainstay conservative Judge, Greg Shaw, on the Supreme Court for the next seven and a half years.
See you next week.
Steve Flowers is Alabama’s leading political columnist. His weekly column appears in over 60 Alabama newspapers. He served 16 years in the state legislature. Steve may be reached at steve@steveflowers.us.
Alabama’s public schools are funded from three primary sources. The state receives approximately 10% percent of its funding from the federal government through programs like Title I and school nutrition programs. These programs typically support students coming from low-income households.
The next source is local funding. Anywhere between 21% to 34% of education expenses are funded by local ad valorem property taxes – meaning roughly a third of expenses associated with an area’s public schools are supported at the community level.
Finally, state government makes up the remaining 65% to 75% by passing the Education Trust Fund Budget each year. The Legislature also includes dozens of line items in the budget for specific education related projects, which include capital improvement projects or pilot programs and allow us to meet the unique funding needs of specific school systems.
For the last 30 years, Alabama has utilized the Foundation Program to determine how much funding we allot to each of our 1,500 schools annually. The program relies upon a formula that takes into consideration each school district’s student population and student grade level.
In short, it’s a resource-based funding model that allocates dollars based on headcount.
To some, this may seem like the fairest way to go about funding public education, but over the years, the shortcomings of this approach have become increasingly more evident.
Let me give you an example.
School A covers a large, rural area in which many children live more than 15 miles away and are almost entirely dependent upon transportation provided by the school system. It also has a large population of English Language Learner (ELL) students and students with disabilities.
School B is in a medium-sized metropolitan area where students are not overly dependent on transportation provided by the system. ELL student numbers are low, and students with disabilities make up a small portion of the school’s enrollment.
Under the current Foundation Program, the specific needs of these two schools are not considered.
School A doesn’t receive targeted funding for its ELL and special needs students.
School B still receives dollars for its transportation program even though it doesn’t need money for buses and would like to utilize that funding elsewhere.
The problem here is that state has been funding education with the assumption that student needs in School A and School B are the same simply because they have similar enrollment.
Lamar Alexander, a former U.S Senator from Tennessee who served Secretary of the Department of Education for President George H.W. Bush, summed this up well when he said, “the best decisions about education are made by those closest to the child.”
Alabama is making enormous strides in public education and recently moved up 15 spots in fourth grade literacy and 20 spots in fourth grade numeracy.
This is encouraging, but we must not be satisfied with simply resting in the middle of the pack.
We want to take education in Alabama to the next level, and a one-size-fits-all approach to funding our school systems is not the vehicle to get us there.
The fact of the matter is school needs vary widely from one community to another.
Rigid funding wastes valuable resources.
And flexibility fuels innovation and responsiveness.
Lawmakers need to give schools the financial flexibility to make decisions that best serve the students they educate.
This session, the Legislature is taking action on this issue and implementing a new hybrid funding approach that takes into account the specific needs of each school system.
Under the Renewing Alabama’s Investment in Student Excellence Act, known as the RAISE Act, schools will receive additional funding – referred to as “weights” – based on the number of enrolled students in specific categories, such as low-income, special education, English language learners, gifted students, and those attending charter schools.
This represents a massive step forward in Alabama’s public education, and it’s the result of House and Senate leadership – specifically House Ways and Means Education Chairman Danny Garrett (R – Trussville) and Senate Finance and Taxation Education Chairman Arthur Orr (R – Decatur) – meeting extensively with educators, school leadership, and school superintendents to develop a program that works best for them.
My number one mandate was that no school system in the state could lose even a penny of funding under this new approach.
And that will be the case. In fact, most schools will actually gain funding from this proposal.
Public education is at a crossroads in our state.
We can accept our new, middle of the road as the status quo, or we can strive to give students our absolute best every single day.
I visit schools across the state often and have seen firsthand the incredible work happening in the classroom.
I believe in our public schools, teachers, and most importantly, our students.
They deserve our very best – so let’s make sure they’re getting that from us.
Nathaniel Ledbetter is Speaker of the Alabama House of Representatives.
As technology has evolved over the past 25 years, minors are more at risk of harm from age-inappropriate online materials, and a growing number of American families are concerned about what their children access on the internet, regardless of their political leanings. Protecting children from online harm should be a top priority for Alabama lawmakers.
With Senate Bill 187, Alabama has the opportunity to join other states across the country in passing legislation that empowers parents and users with greater control over teen app downloads.
Whether at my fitness studio or at the ballpark, parents I speak with want a one-stop shop to oversee and approve the many apps their teens want to download, and by passing Senate Bill 187, Alabama can enact pro-family legislation that leads the way in centralizing safety within a device’s app store. This approach spares users from repeatedly submitting personal information to countless individual apps and online services, and it safeguards parents and teens from harmful content.
RELATED: Alabama lawmakers battle big tech with bill requiring Apple, Google to protect kids online
While legislation does not replace the responsibility of parents to monitor the online activities of children, in today’s technology-centered society, it is difficult for even the most dedicated parents to know what their children are doing online all of the time. In fact, a recent report from Common Sense Media pointed out that 58% of teens aged 13-17 have seen adult content accidentally, 18% of whom reported that it was on social media.
That is why the Alabama State House should join the State Senate in supporting a simple solution that could improve the online safety of Alabama’s children. Single moms like me need additional tools to reduce unintended exposure to illicit materials. Parents must have the ability to decide what their children do or do not have access to, and should be able to monitor all their children’s online activities.
As a mom of teenagers, I am hopeful that House members will join the Alabama Senate, which just overwhelmingly passed Senate Bill 187, to hold app stores accountable and create safer digital spaces for families. Passing this meaningful legislation is good policy, and it empowers parents to protect their children from inappropriate material.
Jessica Watkins is a mother and small business owner.
Alabama’s rural hospitals are vanishing. This devastating crisis is unfolding in the heart of our state, jeopardizing not only the health of our people but the very foundation of rural communities.
Since 2011, at least seven rural hospitals in Alabama have closed their doors for good. On our current path, more than half of the state’s remaining 52 rural hospitals are at risk of closing, with 19 identified as being at “immediate risk” of shutting down within the next three years. But this isn’t just about numbers – it’s about lives, livelihoods and the long-term survival of rural communities across Alabama.
Even now, access to basic healthcare services in rural Alabama is slipping away. Pediatricians and dentists are disappearing. Maternity care has become a distant memory in more than a third of our counties. The closure of hospitals only accelerates this decline. In 2025, it’s appalling that emergency care isn’t available within 30 minutes of many of our rural communities, along with specialty care or even routine checkups. The consequences reach far beyond the emergency room – they ripple through every part of daily life.
That’s because hospitals are more than treatment centers. They are economic anchors. Nearly 78,000 Alabamians work in hospitals, and hospitals generate an astonishing $25 billion in annual economic impact. They are the lifeblood of rural economies, with hospitals often being the largest private employer in the area and typically second only to the local school system in the total number of employees.
So when a rural hospital closes, it doesn’t just mean fewer medical services. It means lost jobs, shuttered clinics, declining property values and a shrinking tax base. It weakens the entire community.
Imagine a rural town where the hospital has closed – where patients must travel an hour or more for emergency care. The quality of life inevitably suffers. Small businesses struggle to find and keep workers, and there is little hope of attracting new employers or industries that will sustain and grow these communities.
This crisis demands urgent action. Alabama’s leaders must act now to stop the bleeding and prevent more hospitals from closing.
One important step forward is passing the Rural Hospital Investment Tax Credit, a new program designed to incentivize private donations to rural hospitals. Modeled after a successful initiative in Georgia, this tax credit would provide struggling rural hospitals with new funding for patient care, facility improvements and critical services. Since 2017, Georgia’s program has generated more than $430 million in donations. In Alabama, this tax credit could generate millions of dollars to support rural hospitals that serve entire regions of Alabama and are critically important to our state’s healthcare infrastructure.
We must create innovative policies and incentives that recognize the unique challenges of delivering care in rural communities – and we must do it now. Every Alabamian deserves access to life-saving care, no matter where they live in our great state.
This is a matter of life and death, but it’s also a matter of economic survival for the rural communities that are the heart and soul of Alabama.
State Senator April Weaver was elected in 2021 to represent Alabama’s 14th Senate District, which includes parts of Bibb, Chilton and Shelby counties. A former nurse and healthcare executive with more than 25 years of experience in healthcare administration, she was appointed by President Donald Trump to serve as Regional Director of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. She previously served in the Alabama House of Representatives from 2010 to 2020.
Over the past three years, states have been receiving settlement funds from federal lawsuits against major pharmaceutical companies. To date, Alabama has secured over $300 million, and I expect that figure to continue growing. These funds are directed to the state’s Opioid Settlement Fund, which the Legislature appropriates.
In 2022, the Legislature created the Oversight Commission on Alabama Opioid Settlement Funds to guide these efforts. Chaired by Senator Greg Albritton and myself, the commission held four public hearings after the 2023 Regular Session and during the 2024 Regular Session, gathering input from 44 agencies and associations providing services related to prevention, treatment, and recovery for individuals suffering from opioid addiction in Alabama.
The outcome was a comprehensive, statewide plan that outlines the approved uses of settlement funds by organizations that receive them through direct supplemental appropriations from the Alabama Legislature and the Opioid Settlement Grant Program.
Through the Opioid Settlement Fund prevention, treatment, and recovery grants, providers collectively reported the following outcomes:
- 6,898 individuals served
- 4,094 individual treatment services provided
- 1,252 Narcan Kits distributed
- 1,000 Fentanyl Test Strips Distributed
- 13 pounds of medication collected
- 83 coaching events
Last year, the second appropriation from the settlement funds was made, having a significant impact across the state. These funds supported Alabama’s 988 Crisis Line, a veterans’ pilot program, mental health courts, and numerous prevention and recovery programs.
In this year’s Opioid Supplemental Appropriations Bill, $41 million from the Opioid Settlement Fund will be appropriated for similar purposes. However, this year, we will broaden the scope of funded programs and services to continue addressing coverage gaps.
We are leveraging one of Alabama’s most robust and effective resources—higher education.
$3 million will be allocated among the University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB), Auburn University, and the University of South Alabama Health (USA Health).
- UAB will receive $1 million for psychiatry residencies in Montgomery and Huntsville related to the study and treatment of substance abuse.
- Auburn University will receive $1 million for the expansion of the School of Pharmacy and its K-12 education program focused on substance abuse training.
- USA Health will receive $1 million to provide rapid response to overdose outbreaks related to opioid use.
Another key component in this year’s appropriation is marketing.
Alabama has numerous opioid prevention and recovery resources available at no cost to its citizens—but what good are these programs if those struggling with substance abuse don’t know they exist?
Through a partnership between the Alabama Legislature and the Department of Mental Health, the state recently launched the Opioids Take Campaign, which includes a website highlighting treatment and prevention resources, billboards, and educational materials. You might have noticed the black and orange billboards along the side of I-65 and other high traffic areas in the state.
Additionally, we are making a significant investment in law enforcement, which is critical given the unfortunate reality that officers frequently encounter individuals suffering from substance abuse.
In 2020, the FBI Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) program reported that drug abuse violations were among the most common categories of arrests. These violations include both possession and trafficking offenses, with many individuals arrested for drug-related crimes facing underlying addiction issues.
Given this trend, providing Alabama’s law enforcement community with additional resources to identify and address substance abuse is essential—and, frankly, long overdue.
The final component of this year’s appropriation I’d like to highlight is our support for veterans.
Last year, we established the Veterans Mental Health Steering Committee, consisting of elected officials, state agency heads, and representatives from veteran service organizations, to assess how the state is supporting veterans with mental health and substance abuse challenges and determine what additional resources are needed. This committee was charged with the important task of reviewing the current state of veterans’ mental health and substance use in Alabama and developing a comprehensive plan in response to these findings. Further, this committee was authorized to establish pilot projects that align with this comprehensive plan with new dollars.
We funded this initiative with an initial appropriation of $3 million from the Opioid Settlement Fund. Further, we are investing an additional $1.5 million to support existing programs and establish new resources for Alabama’s veterans.
The bottom line is that the Legislature is working hard to maximize the impact of these dollars. One outcome that I’m so proud of is Alabama’s reduction in overdoses, which I largely attribute to the distribution of Narcan and access to services.
Our combined efforts and partnerships are positioning Alabama to overcome an epidemic that has claimed the lives of thousands and helping ensure that more do not suffer the same fate.
Rex Reynolds represents District 21 in the Alabama House of Representatives. He also serves as Chairman of the Alabama House Ways & Means General Fund Committee.
The time has come for decisive reform of the Birmingham Water Works Board (BWWB). For the purpose of accomplishing such reform the undersigned have prepared and are sponsoring in the Legislature of Alabama Senate Bill 330.
This is not a matter of local governance, or an isolated issue confined simply to the City of Birmingham. It is a matter of regional and state-wide concern.
Water is one of the most important resources we have. Water utility companies are at the heart of public health sustainability as they provide communities access to reliable distribution of a substance critical to life itself.
The Birmingham Water Works is THE largest water utility in the state of Alabama, providing life sustaining water to over 775,000 residential and commercial customers in five (5) counties.
While the City of Birmingham is home to only 25% of the Water Board’s customer base, it disproportionally controls the Board through its power to appoint two-thirds of the directors. That means that 75% of customers, residents and businesses alike, have no meaningful representation or voice in the operation and management of this utility.
This is taxation without representation, the same complaint that led to the Boston tea party, the ride of Paul Revere, the Declaration of Independence, and the leading motive behind the creation of the United States of America.
Perhaps the inadequate representation of the vast majority of the customer base would be overlooked if the BWWB were properly managed using industry best practices. However, the record of the BWWB is a shameful history of corruption, incompetence, and fiscal irresponsibility.
Here are a few facts:
For starters, the BWWB bills and collects for only about half (50%) of the water it treats, a level of inefficiency that is unheard of in comparison with other water systems. This “missing” treated water doesn’t just vanish into thin air; it leaks from crumbling, outdated infrastructure and goes unbilled because of outdated and inefficient systems. “Gross mismanagement” are the only words adequate to describe this startling fact.
We have been told that the BWWB is on a 300-year replacement cycle for its pipe infrastructure while industry best practices call for 100 years. At the current rate, some of our children’s great-grandchildren will still be drinking from the BWWB’s current failing and already outdated water mains.
While other water systems modernized with remote meter-reading technology over a decade ago, thus maximizing efficiencies by cutting labor costs, vehicle costs, and billing errors, BWWB still relies on manual meter reading. The improved technology has been available for more than fifteen years, and the delay in adopting it has only made it more expensive. The BWWB’s failure to act in time has made this no-brainer “fix” more costly and the benefits harder to realize.
The rates charged by the BWWB are among the highest in the Southeast which creates an unacceptable barrier to economic growth. Companies looking to invest in Central Alabama are deterred by these unnecessarily high utility costs. Simply put, high water rates make Alabama less competitive.
Appointments made by the City of Birmingham have often led to scandal. Three former board members—Joe W. Reid, Horace Parker, and Sherry Lewis—were each convicted of crimes related to their service on the Board. The BWWB’s poor governance has permanently stained the reputation and betrayed the public trust of the local communities across the region that it serves.
And how has the Board responded to its critics? By spending exorbitantly on lawyers, lobbyists, PR consultants, at times employing multiple law firms, public relations outfits, and lobbyists simultaneously.
Senate Bill 330 will correct the imbalance in the governance of the BWWB. It will bring fairness by accurately reflecting the true makeup of its customers and the communities it serves and finally put an end to a long legacy of inefficiency, waste, and scandal by requiring appointees to actually have qualifications and experience necessary to oversee and lead a utility of BWWB’s size and importance. Reform isn’t just overdue, it is essential to avoid the type of crisis which recently occurred in Jackson, MS, or even worse.
This is not just about Birmingham. It is about protecting Alabama’s economy, the reputation of our State and local governments, and being responsible to customers as well as taxpayers. We urge our colleagues in the Legislature to support SB330, not because it is easy, but because it is right.
State Sens. Jabo Waggoner (R-Vestavia Hills), Dan Roberts (R-Mountain Brook), Shay Shelnutt (R-Trussville), and State Rep. Jim Carns (R-Vestavia Hills) each represent portions of Jefferson County, where the Birmingham Water Works Board operates and serves a significant portion of their constituents.